Saturday, February 4, 2012

Israeli settlers beat Palestinian shepherd

Fence around the illegal Mehola settlement
by Saed Bannoura

 A group of Israeli settlers from the Mehola settlement in the Jordan Valley, in the northeastern part of the West Bank, approached a Palestinian shepherd who was tending his sheep and beat him with sticks and clubs on Friday.

 Medical sources reported that 20-year old Mahdi Daraghma was admitted to the Jenin hospital with moderate injuries after he was severely beaten by a group of Israeli settlers.

The settlement of Mehola is made up of a residential and an agricultural section, as well as a number of packaging plants in which Israeli settlement companies like Arava and Carmel prepare products for export.

According to a 2011 report by CorporateOccupation, Palestinians from nearby villages are employed in the settlement and exploited: “Workers are paid from 60-80 shekels per day, half the Israeli minimum wage, and have no contracts or health insurance. There have been documented incidents of employers in Mehola falsifying wage slips in order to appear to be paying proper wages.”

The settlement is surrounded by an electrified fence, separating it from the Palestinian villages on whose land the settlement is constructed.

Palestinian shepherds like Daraghma are frequently attacked by Israeli settlers while herding sheep through isolated fields near illegal Israeli settlements.

In a recent incident in the same area, a group of Israeli settlers abducted a 60-year old shepherd and stole his sheep.

Israeli settler attacks against Palestinian civilians rose significantly in the last few months of 2011, including a mob attack on Palestinians and international supporters near Anatot in September, and deadly attacks in both November and December.

 http://www.imemc.org/article/62954

Wednesday, February 1, 2012

Palestinians need high caliber leaders – urgently

By Stuart Littlewood
2 February 2012

Stuart Littlewood singles out Palestinian “President” Mahmoud Abbas’s recent visit to Britain as another example of his administration’s public relations incompetence and argues: “If Palestinians are to retain worldwide sympathy and support, build additional strength and galvanize the whole movement into action against the corrupt political class, they will have to find leaders of a much higher calibre – and fast.”

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas was in London recently.

Did anyone know? Did Western media care?

No. Not until reports appeared that Jewish community leaders cancelled a meeting with him after intervention by Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's Office and Israel’s embassy in London, and Palestinian legislator Hanan Ashrawi condemned the move as "seeking to suppress and manipulate Jewish public opinion”.

It was also typical of Netanyahu’s "persistent efforts" to prevent dialogue, she said, according to the Palestinian Ma'an news agency.

Even then, Western media were not much interested.
The Palestinian London embassy’s “smart new website carries ... nothing journalists can get their teeth into. It doesn't introduce us to Palestinian chiefs and their ‘team’. It offers no strategic briefing material on current events. And, crucially, there is no attempt to set the news agenda.”
I put it to the Palestinian ambassador in London, Professor Manuel Hassassian, that such a blunder by Israel was a gift to any alert Public Relations/Public Affairs team. Why didn’t the Palestinian Authority seize it?

Hassassian denied the Palestinians asked to meet with the Jewish community.

It seems odd that Ashrawi, a shrewd, well respected politician and close colleague of Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, could have got it wrong. Or indeed the normally reliable Israeli newspaper Haaretz, which reported that Hassassian himself, together with British diplomats, had pushed for Jewish leaders to meet with Abbas.

Confused? Me too. Whatever the truth, the Palestinian administration is in the habit of missing open goals. It has dumbed right down. The London embassy’s smart new website carries a selection of items from news agencies but nothing journalists can get their teeth into. It doesn't introduce us to Palestinian chiefs and their “team”. It offers no strategic briefing material on current events. And, crucially, there is no attempt to set the news agenda.

Information the embassy sends direct to people like me is mostly notification of social events and similar “froth”.

After all these years, and with momentous opportunities and threats looming, Ramallah still fails to give a good account of itself. Is that by accident or design?

If it was never Abbas’s intention to meet Jewish community leaders, what exactly did he come to the UK for?

What passes for “success”

 

The embassy says his "successful visit" included meetings with Prime Minister David Cameron, Foreign Secretary William Hague and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg. President Abbas also met opposition leader Ed Miliband and other parliamentarians. In addition, he met the archbishop of Canterbury and other church leaders to brief them on the ongoing violations of places of worship and the Judaization taking place in East Jerusalem.

Cameron told him:
Obviously, as a friend of Israel and a friend of the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian people, we want to see a strong, democratic, peaceful Israel alongside a strong, democratic and peaceful Palestine. We believe that is achievable, but we can’t achieve it without the two parties coming together and talking and discussing. In the end, this two-state solution can only come about from the two parties talking to each other. We cannot want it more than you want it.

So, we wish you well ... and we say that as a friend of Israel but also a very strong friend of the Palestinian people...
To which I understand Abbas replied:
Of course, nothing can be achieved without negotiations ... we hope that there will be something tangible as a result of these negotiations.

"Of course, time is of the essence; there must be speed, we must be fast in achieving those things because the settlements and the whole thing will go on – seeing the settlements going on, is going to help everything; it’s what stands in the face of everything at the same time. So, settlements have to stop. Settlements have to stop in order for us to be able to continue our negotiations; to come to some sort of solution and a solution which will encompass the vision of the Palestinian state to come in the future.
I personally know very well that you have a very balanced relationship, be that towards Israel or the Palestinian Authority. This at the same time is of great importance because you could play a political role, so to speak, so that we can find the balance that we all want to seek. We always need your help, sir.
Good grief, is that the best Ramallah's speech-writers can do? And what was that about Britain’s Israel-firster government having “a very balanced relationship”…?
"Where was Abbas’s concern for Gaza, or isn’t Gaza part of Palestine any more? Doesn’t the blockade of Gaza have to end before Palestinians even think about getting once again embroiled in futile negotiations?"
Where was Abbas’s concern for Gaza, or isn’t Gaza part of Palestine any more? Doesn’t the blockade of Gaza have to end before Palestinians even think about getting once again embroiled in futile negotiations?

The idea, voiced by Zionist Cameron and repeated by Abbas, that nothing can be achieved without negotiation is of course utterly false. There’s no mention – on either side – of international law enforcement and the essential role it must play before any negotiations can be considered fair or honourable.

Hague said after his meeting with Abbas: "I stressed the importance Britain attaches to a secure and universally recognized Israel living alongside a sovereign and viable Palestinian state, based on the borders of 1967, with Jerusalem the future capital of both states, and a fair settlement for refugees.”

Only weeks earlier Hague, a fanatical Israel flag-waver, was preparing to betray the Palestinians by abstaining if their quest for statehood was pushed to a vote at the UN.

More pretty words devoid of meaning were paraded in the archbishop of Canterbury’s press release:
We continue to share the hopes of the Palestinian leadership for a lasting and just peace in the Holy Land, and we pray for the courage on all sides to break the current deadlock. Young people in Israel and in the Palestinian territories long for justice and stability and they must not be let down. We were deeply grateful to President Abbas for taking time to share with us his concerns and aspirations.
The only genuine boost he received was a remark by Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg, referring to Israel’s illegal settlements:
Once you place physical facts on the ground which make it impossible to deliver what everyone has for years agreed is the ultimate destination, then you do immense damage.

It's an act of deliberate vandalism to the basic premise upon which negotiations have taken place for years and that is why we have expressed our concerns as a government in increasingly forceful terms.
He prefaced his comments by saying there was “no stronger supporter of Israel than myself as a beacon of democracy in the region”. It’s a sad reflection on the Westminster scene when Clegg, a Liberal Democrat and supposedly possessed of certain principles, feels obliged to say such a silly thing when it’s tantamount to defending the indefensible.

“This dreary ‘grey suit’ of a man might have done better to just meet ordinary people – people like the 40,000 or so displaced Palestinians living in the UK and longing to return, and the numerous activist organizations that devote much time and energy putting across the Palestinian case...”
Didn’t Abbas remind him about Israel’s abduction and imprisonment without trial of the 26 elected members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, including its head, Dr Aziz Dweik? Dweik is reported to have been arrested by Israel three times since 2002 and twice held without formal charges. This wholesale kidnapping of democratically elected officials underlines yet again Israel’s disregard for international law and the absurdity of its claim to be the only beacon of democracy in the Middle East.

So, does Abbas seriously believe his visit was “successful”? This dreary “grey suit” of a man might have done better to just meet ordinary people – people like the 40,000 or so displaced Palestinians living in the UK and longing to return, and the numerous activist organizations that devote much time and energy putting across the Palestinian case, slapping down Israel's propaganda lies and generally doing the job that Abbas and his lacklustre Fatah outfit have failed to do.

That’s if he wanted their ongoing support. Maybe he’s not bothered.

Under orders not to rock the Israeli boat?

 

Some time ago Hamas complained that the Palestinian Authority was not getting its message across thanks to "poorly qualified or unqualified spokespersons with inadequate political and linguistic abilities". Diplomacy had failed and Palestinians needed “professional spokespersons with excellent knowledge of the world and mastery of foreign languages, especially English, to tell the world in a straightforward manner that Israel is a murderer, liar and land thief..."

Israel's ambassador to the UN, Ron Prosor, who ran rings round the Palestinians while ambassador in London, recently addressed the Security Council on the situation in the Middle East. He said:
And how many times have members of this Council – and many others – repeated: “settlements are the primary obstacle to peace”?... The primary obstacle to peace is not settlements. The primary obstacle to peace is the so-called “claim of return”. Let me repeat that: the major hurdle to peace is the Palestinians’ insistence on the so-called “claim of return” [he means the “right of return”].
Any press team worth its salt could make mincemeat of Prosor. A competent Palestinian administration would have had a news release in every activist's inbox and on every mainstream editor's desk within hours and made spokespersons (speaking perfect English) available to follow through with additional briefings and further comment. It would have gone worldwide via all embassies and missions. But Prosor broadcasts his toxic nonsense non-stop, knowing there will be no effective rebuke from the Palestinians.

It is six years since the Palestinian Authority/Palestine Liberation Organization was urged to have all their key people professionally trained in media skills. They haven’t done so. Consequently, for the last six critical years the Palestinian people have continued to lose ground.

“Will the Palestinians ever seize the opportunity and gear up properly for the communications struggle to win justice? If it’s left to the likes of Abbas the answer is no and the outcome will be disastrous.”
The Palestinian high command behaves as if under strict orders not to rock the boat and not to make waves or even the slightest ripple. They continue to squander their chances and make little impact, even though truth and justice are on their side. So Israel has been the undeserving winner in the propaganda war.

Will the Palestinians ever seize the opportunity and gear up properly for the communications struggle to win justice? If it’s left to the likes of Abbas the answer is no and the outcome will be disastrous.

As campaigner Robert Stiver commented a few days ago, we need “ideas and commitments on how we can finally get serious, via a mass uprising, to ‘out’ Zionism beyond the choir and bring an end to the Palestinians’ unbearable torment”.

But hopes of mobilizing the necessary numbers are thwarted by the continuing presence of Mahmoud Abbas. His presidential term ran out long ago and he’s clinging to power unlawfully. He needs to step down or be removed. Someone with unquestionable legitimacy and true leadership qualities must fill the void and deploy skilled resources.

On Abbas’s watch disunity has triumphed. He rides roughshod over the Basic Law and has a crime sheet as long as your arm. He’ll be remembered mostly for doing the Israeli occupation forces’ dirty work.

Another problem is chief negotiator Saeb Erekat who has occupied that vitally important position for nearly 20 years and achieved – well, what? He must be the most unsuccessful negotiator on the planet. Why is he still there?

If Palestinians are to retain worldwide sympathy and support, build additional strength and galvanize the whole movement into action against the corrupt political class, they will have to find leaders of a much higher calibre – and fast.

 http://www.redress.cc/palestine/slittlewood20120202

Jewish settlements in the rulings of the European Court of Justice

Introduction

After decades of human suffering resulting from Israel’s occupation and illegal colonisation of Palestinian territory; fruitless and stalled negotiations; moribund policies; and legal options being overlooked in favour of diplomacy, it is time to look at a new strategy using political action and negotiations based on international law.

Observers of the Palestine question note that some Western countries are openly pro-Israel, “right or wrong”, and the so-called diplomacy of most does nothing for the Palestinian cause. Western diplomats, for example, almost always avoid declaring that Israeli settlements are illegal, breach international law and are an obstacle to peace. Sadly, the Palestinian Authority usually displays the same reluctance.

The European judiciary, represented by the European Court of Justice, however, appear to have more courage than the diplomats; they are clear that the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem are not part of the territory of the State of Israel. As such, goods and companies therein do not have the right to any preferential customs treatment from the European Union. This is based on a decision issued by European Court of Justice on 25 February 2010 in the case of Brita Gmbh v Hauptzollant Hamburghafen.

Issued by the highest European judicial body, this ruling is as important as that issued by the International Court of Justice on the Separation Wall in the West Bank.1

The existence and continued expansion of Jewish settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories is a breach of UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and signed agreements based on the principle of land for peace.2

The occupying authority has to fulfil its legal responsibilities towards the Geneva Conventions of 1949, as whatever an “occupying authority” does regarding the confiscation of Palestinian land is a clear violation of all common humanitarian law. The occupying authority in this case (Israel) violates article 233 of the Convention of The Hague for example, and article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Conventions of 1949 which considers seizure and confiscation of land through armed conflict to be illegal and to constitute seriously grave breaches.4

The International Court of Justice stressed clearly in its advisory decision that legal consequences arising from the construction of the separation wall in the occupied Palestinian territories are considered violations by the occupying state and stated:

“Regarding the issue of settlements, the Court notes that the article (49), paragraph 6 of the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulated that ‘The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies’. The Court also notes that this article does not only deny deportation or transfer of the population as what had happened during World War II, but also denies any measures taken by the occupying state to regulate and promote the transfer of part of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies. In this regard, the information available to the court shows that the occupying authority, and since 1977, exercises a programmed policy and has sophisticated practices in establishing settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory which violates article (49), paragraph (6).”

The UN Security Council has adopted the view that this policy and these practices (ie Israeli settlements) have no legal basis and are regarded as illegal; the Security Council has also called on “the occupying authority” to apply and comply with the Fourth Geneva Convention.

It must be emphasised that the practice of population transfer into the occupied territory violate the right of the Palestinian people in self-determination in two distinct ways: First, the removal of people from their land strikes at the very heart of the right, impairing the ability of the people to determine the destiny of their territory. It follows that mass expulsions or deportations from the occupied land and the transfer of settlers therein violate not only the individual rights of self-determination but also the collective right of self-determination.

Second, even in the absence of mass expulsion or population transfer, policies may serve to defeat core elements of the right of self-determination. The transfer of settlers into the occupied territory may be used as a means of depriving the indigenous people of their land or other natural resources essential to their traditional life style.5

Article 8/2/b/viii of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court states that “war crimes” includes, “Other serious violations of the laws and norms applicable in international armed conflicts within the established outline of international law, namely, any of the following acts… (viii) The transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the occupied territory within or outside this territory”.

According to the elements of crimes that have been adopted by the Assembly of States Parties on 09/09/2002, which are explanations of the articles 6, 7 and 8 of the Rome Statutes,6 this offence7 needs to be accompanied by the following elements:

1. The perpetrator, directly or indirectly, transfers part of its population into the territory it occupies, or deports or transfers of all the population of the occupied territory or some of them inside or outside it.

2. The conduct took place in the context of international armed conflict and was associated with it.

3. The perpetrator was aware of the factual circumstances that proved the existence of an armed conflict8.

The prohibition of deportation or transfer of the population outside or inside the occupied territory by the occupying power is considered a firm and common principle and does not allow for any exceptions, except for that stated in the second paragraph of article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention; these exceptions are the security of the people themselves and for imperative military reasons. This principle is stated in article 49, paragraph 1and 2,9 and has been confirmed in article 51, paragraph 310 and article 76, paragraph 111 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.12 Besides this, article 85, paragraph 4 of the Additional (Protocol I) prohibits transfer or deportation of the population outside or inside the occupied territory by the Occupying Power. This article stipulated: “In addition to the grave breaches defined in the preceding paragraphs and in the Conventions, the following shall be regarded as grave breaches of this Protocol, when committed wilfully and in violation of the Conventions or the Protocol:

(a) the transfer by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the occupied territory within or outside this territory, in violation of Article 49 of the Fourth Convention…

The prohibition bans the occupying state from transferring its own civilian population into the occupied territory as this will lead to a change in the geographical structure of the occupied territory and will restrict the rights of the population of the occupied territory in their rights of ownership of the land (the right of refugees to return to their homes, for example), and create physical changes on the ground.

The transfer, directly or indirectly of the people of an occupying state into the occupied territory, through the establishment of settlements, violates in turn international humanitarian law, because the occupying state is acting as an administrative and military power in the territory which it occupies, and this is forbidden, regardless of its objectives.13

The transfer process must be carried out by the occupying state, and requires clear governmental involvement. Illegal acts by individuals acting on their own in relocating Jewish settlers in occupied Palestinian territory without the approval or support of the occupying state, or its knowledge, cannot be pinned on the state.
Population transfer into and out of occupied territory can be done directly or indirectly according to the text of article 8/(2)/(b)/(viii) of the Rome statute. This phrase, which was in neither the Fourth Geneva Conventions nor in Protocol I, was added at the request of the Arab states and was approved by a majority vote.

Indirect transfer includes the land confiscation, government settlement-plans, and providing protection for settlers and the settlements. “Transfer” includes economic incentives provided by the occupying state to encourage the settlers to build in the occupied territory; these could include granting loans to settlers and offering tax exemptions to settlers and foreign investors.

All of this has been confirmed by the decision of the European Court of Justice in the case of Brita.

The European Court of Justice, now called “The Court of Justice”, is the highest court in the European Union on matters of European law. The court’s main function is to interpret European law and implement it uniformly across the European Union. It has 27 judges representing 27 states, was established in 1952 and is based in Luxemburg, playing a role in the arbitration of conflicts and disputes among the European Union’s institutions. National judicial decisions cannot be taken to the Court of Justice for appeal, but national courts may ask it to decide on issues related to European Law.14

There are 8 general judges helping the main judges in the Court of the Justice. The Advocate General is responsible for providing legal opinions in cases submitted to the court; he or she can ask questions of parties to disputes before providing an opinion for the judges prior to them issuing their final judgement. Although the Advocate General’s opinion serves only as an advisory view for the judges to consider, in practice, the judges generally take the same view.15

The decision issued by the Court of Justice in the case of Brita Gmbh v Hauptzollant Hamburghafen, included the court’s view on the subject of Jewish settlements through its interpretation of the provisions of the EU Israel Association Agreement. This was based not on European economic law, but public international law with which the Court confirmed the borders of 1967 with the Palestinian territories under Israeli administration and Jewish settlements not constituting part of the occupying state.

Regrettably, this judgement has not been addressed by Arabic jurisprudence nor by researchers despite its legal importance.16

I will shed some light on the main points mentioned in the Advocate General’s opinion and give a brief explanation of what was mentioned in the Court’s decision.

Brita and the European Court of Justice
1. The nature of the dispute

Brita is a German company which imports drink-makers for sparkling water, as well as accessories and syrups, all of which are produced by an Israeli supplier, Soda Club Ltd., at a factory in Mishor Adumin in the occupied West Bank to the East of Jerusalem.17 Mishor Adumin is considered to be one of the most important economic hubs in the occupied territory.18

During the first six months of 2002, Brita submitted requests for free passage of imported goods and more than 60 requests to the German Customs Authorities to make use of the preferential tariff on imported goods from Soda Club according to the partnership agreement signed between Israel and the European Union. The source of the goods was listed as “Israel”.19

German Customs Authorities decided to grant a temporary preferential customs tariff for Soda Club products imported by Brita, but they asked for verification of the place of origin of the items.

Israeli Customs Authorities confirmed to their German counterparts that the goods originated with a company in an area that is under the control of the Israel Customs Authorities and, as such, they comply with the EU-Israel Association Agreement. According to the agreement’s terms, therefore, these goods were entitled to preferential treatment.20

On 6 February 2003, the German Customs Authorities asked the Israelis by way of supplementary information if the goods exported to Brita by Soda Club had been manufactured in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip or Golan Heights; the question was not answered.21

In September 2003, the German Customs Authorities withdrew the preferential treatment that had been granted previously to Brita and its goods imported from Soda Club on the grounds that it could not be established conclusively that the imported goods are entitled to benefit under the EU-Israel Association Agreement. Consequently, the Customs Authorities in Germany sought post-clearance recovery of customs duties amounting to a total of €19,155.46 from the German company.22

Brita then brought an action before the Finanzgericht Hamburg (Finance Court) and asked for the annulment of the decision taken by the German Customs authorities with regards of recovery of customs duties.23 The Finance Court took the view that the dispute depended on the interpretation of the EU-Israel Association Agreement on the one hand, and the EU-PLO Interim Association Agreement on the other. As a result, the Finance Court referred the dispute to the European Court of Justice.

2. The legal opinion of the Advocate General put before the judges

The Advocate General presented his legal opinion on 29 October 2009. He pointed out during his presentation that the application of the EU-Israel Association Agreement faced obstacles, especially with regards to issuing the required “Certificate of origin of products”. He confirmed that the European Commission has alerted importers to doubts about the validity of such certificates issued by Israeli Customs Authorities.24

Referring to a communication between the EC, the Council and the European Parliament dated 12 May 1998, the Advocate General said that that there is an obstacle in implementing the EU-Israel Association Agreement, especially Protocol 4, which was applicable even before the implementation of the agreement in 2000, that most of the products certified as originating in “Israel” were actually produced in the occupied Palestinian territories.25

He added that on 23 November 2001, the European Commission issued an official opinion declaring “the results of the verification procedures carried out by the Commission confirming that Israel issued many ‘Certificates of origin’ [confirming] that products which come from places under its administration since 1967 are from Israel.” Therefore, these products are not entitled to benefit from preferential treatment under the EC-Israel Association Agreement.26

The Commission confirmed that all European importers who present documentary evidence of certificates of origin of products with a view to securing preferential treatment for products originating from Israeli settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights are informed that they must take all the necessary precautions as the goods coming from these territories may give rise to a customs tariff.27

The Advocate General explained before the Court of Justice that the EU-Israel Association Agreement applies to Israeli territories according to Article 83 of that agreement. He added that the boundaries of the Israeli state were defined in the Partition Plan of the UN General Assembly in 1947 as per Resolution 181. Later on, the Israeli state was declared based on the boundaries defined by the partition plan.28

He added further that UN Security Council Resolution 242 dated 22 November 1967 referred to in the EU-PLO Interim Association Agreement stipulated that Israeli forces were asked to withdraw from the occupied territories and respect the sovereignty of all states in the area.29

The Advocate General confirmed to the judges that according to the aforementioned circumstances of the case, the Court cannot but conclude that the West Bank territory, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip are not part of the territory of the State of Israel.30

As a result, the Advocate General stressed that it was difficult to say that products coming from the West Bank and the occupied territories generally, should enjoy preferential treatment according to the EU-Israel Association Agreement.31  Hence, granting such preferential treatment to products originating in the West Bank is not acceptable according to the EU-Israel Association Agreement.32

The Advocate General added that during the meeting about the EU-Israel Association Agreement held on 3 December 2004, the European Commission asked Israeli Customs authorities to define the origin of manufacturing the products on the certificate of origin of products coming from Israel. The aim of this request, as asserted by the Advocate General, was to differentiate between the products manufactured in Israel which are entitled to the preferential treatment according to the Agreement, and those manufactured in Israeli settlements which are not entitled to preferential treatment according to the same agreement.33

The Jewish settlements are illegal according to the judgement of the European Court of Justice

The European Court of Justice referred in its preliminary ruling to several legal provisions regarding the case before it and which are applicable, before explaining its legal logic in the final decision.

1. The legal scope

The Court referred to Article (31) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties which asserted that any treaty must be interpreted in good faith and in accordance with ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose. The Court asserted that article 31/3 stipulated that in the interpretation of any treaty, there shall be taken into account any relevant rules of International Law applicable in relations between the states. As for Article (34) of the Vienna Convention, it provided that a treaty does not create either obligations or rights for a third state without its consent.34

The Court confirmed that the EU-Israel Association Agreement came into force on 1 June 2000 and article (6) of this agreement provided that “the free trade of area between Israel and the European Community shall be reinforced according to the modalities set out in the agreement and pursuant to the articles of the agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 1994 and of other multilateral agreements on trade in goods annexed to the agreement establishing the World Trade Organisation”.35

Referring to Article (8) of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, the Court said it provided that customs duties are prohibited on industrial products as defined in that agreement between the two parties when importing or exporting.36

It also referred to the territorial scope of the EU-Israel Association Agreement which is defined in Article (83) as follows: The Agreement shall apply on the land to the territories establishing the European Community and, on the other hand, to the territory of the state of Israel.37

The Court mentioned that Protocol (4) to the EU-Israel Association Agreement laid down the rules relating to the definition of “originating products” as well as the methods of administrative cooperation.38  It asserted that article (2) of Protocol (4) laid down that products wholly manufactured in Israel, within the meaning of article (4) of Protocol (4), are to be treated as originating in Israel.39  The Court also referred to article (32) of Protocol (4) which stated the procedure for verifying “proof of origin of the products” where the customs authorities requesting the verification for the proof of origin of these products shall be informed by the exporting state of the result of this verification within 10 months at most.40

Then the Court referred to the EU-PLO Interim Association Agreement (which was for the benefit of the Palestinian Authority later) which came into force on 1 July 1997. Article (3) stipulated that the PLO and the European Community must establish progressively a free trade area according to the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 1994 and of the other multilateral agreements on trade in goods annexed to the agreement establishing the World Trade Organisation.41 Article (5) and (6) of the EU-PLO Interim Association Agreement provided that the products imported from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip shall not be subject to any customs duties.42 The Court indicated that the territorial scope of the Agreement is defined for the benefit of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Every treaty has its own territorial scope to be applied; the first is to be applied on the territories of the state of Israel and the second on the territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.43

2. The legal logic adopted by the Court in its judgement

The Court stated that the EU-Israel Association Agreement stipulated that Israeli customs authorities are the competent authority to issue proof-of-origin certificates for products produced in the state of Israel. The EU-PLO Interim Association Agreement gave the Customs department there the competent authority to issue proof-of-origin certificates for products produced in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.44

Hence, to interpret article (83) of the EU-Israel Association Agreement as meaning the Israeli Customs Authorities are competent to issue certificates in respect of products originating in the West Bank will deprive Palestinian customs authorities of exercising the competence conferred upon them by the agreement with the European Community. Therefore, the Court considered that for the Israeli Customs Authorities to issue certificates that the origin of products is the West Bank would thus be contrary to article (34) of the Geneva Convention.45

The Court added that article (83) should be interpreted as meaning that the products originating in the West Bank do not fall within the territorial scope of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and do not therefore qualify for preferential treatment under that agreement.46

Hence, the Court confirmed that the German Customs Authorities have the right to refuse to grant Brita and its products preferential treatment under the EU-Israel Association Agreement as the origin of these products is the West Bank and not Israel.47

Regarding the certificate of the proof-of-origin of the products, Article (32)/6 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement provided that the exporting state is the one which issues such certificates while the importing states can, through the Customs Authorities, verify the original source of the products. The Court added that the German Customs Authorities’ request for additional information from the Israeli Customs Authorities regarding the origin of the products did not concern the question of whether the manufacture of the products had been undertaken sufficiently in a certain area, but to verify the precise place in which the exported products to Brita via Soda Club were manufactured, for the purpose of determining if this place fell within the jurisdiction and territorial scope of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.48

The Court made it clear that the European Union, undoubtedly, took the view that the products manufactured in the locations under Israeli administration/occupation since 1967 do not qualify for the preferential treatment provided for under the EU-Israel Association Agreement.49 It supported its view in paragraph 66 when it stated that the Israeli Customs Authorities did not reply to the letter sent by the German Customs Authorities asking whether the exported products had been manufactured in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem or the Golan Heights.

Hence, the Court finally ruled that the customs authorities of any European State importing products may refuse to grant the preferential treatment provided for under the EU-Israel Association Agreement, where the products concerned originated in the West Bank.50 The Court also ruled that the customs authorities of any European State importing products are not bound by the proof of origin certificate or the reply given by the exporting state to questions submitted by the importing states where that reply does not contain sufficient information for the purpose of implementing article 32/6 of the Protocol of the EU-Israel Association Agreement to determine the real origin of the products.51

Conclusion

Through looking at this case, which was considered by the highest judicial body in the European Union, we can assert that an insistence on the language of International Law being applied to the Palestinian issue can give results. The European Court of Justice ruled that Israeli settlements in the occupied territories in the West Bank and the East Jerusalem are illegal and violate international law. The Court affirmed in its decision on the Brita case that the European States must not recognise the status quo created by Israeli settlements, and every European State must prohibit preferential tariff treatment for all products coming from Jewish settlements.

On the other hand, European civil society supporting the Palestinian issue, such as the campaign for BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions) must.52  In the Arab World everyone should alert the local authorities to all the products which originate on illegal Israeli settlements. Reference to the European Court of Justice’s resolution on this matter should be made in order to ensure that such goods do not benefit from any preferential treatment. A copy of the Court’s resolution should, perhaps, be sent to Trades Unions and Employers associations, and to national Ministries of Trade and Foreign Affairs in each European state to encourage them to apply the judgement to goods classed by Israel as “Israeli” but which, in fact, originate on an illegal Jewish settlement.

Civil society campaigners must expose the fraud committed by Israel when it claims that products manufactured in the settlements originate in the state of Israel and not from occupied territory.

The author holds a Phd in International Law/ France and a Certificate from the Research Center of The Hague Academy of International Law


ENDNOTES
1For more information regarding this topic, read the book “Israel and the international law” issued by al Zaytuna centre for studies 2011.
2Interim Agreement signed in Washington on 28 September 1995, article XXX1.7

3Art.23 (g) from Convention (IV) respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and its annex: Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land. The Hague, 18 October 1907 “To destroy or seize the enemy’s property, unless such destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the necessities of war;

4Article (147) Grave breaches to which the preceding Article relates shall be those involving any of the following acts, if committed against persons or property protected by the present Convention: …taking of hostages and extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly.

5Catriona J. Catriona J. Drew, “Self-determination and population transfert”, In, Human Rights, self-determination and political change in the occupied Palestinian territory, edited by Stephen Bowen, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1997, pp. 141-142 

6See  http://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/9CAEE830-38CF-41D6-AB0B-68E5F9082543/0/Element_of_Crimes_English.pdf

7COTTIER (M.), FENRICK (W.), SELLERS (P.), Andreas ZIMMERMANN (A.), “War Crimes”, PP. 173-288, In THRIFTERER (O.) (ed.) Commentary on the Rome statute of the International Criminal Court, Observers, Notes, Article by Article. Baden-Baden, 1999. Simpson, Gerry (ed.), War crimes law / Gerry Simpson. Ashgate/Dartmouth, 2004, pp. XXXIII, 484 p. CHUTER (D.), War crimes : confronting atrocity in the modern world. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003. MAC GOLDRICK (D.), War crimes trials before international tribunals : legality and legitimacy. Domestic and international trials, 1700-2000 / ed. by R.A. Melikan, 2003. NIEMANN (G.), War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity, and Genocide in International Criminal Law. Handbook of Transnational Crime & Justice / ed. Philip Reichel. Thousand Oaks, CA [etc.]: Sage, 2005, pp. 204-229. 

8http://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/9CAEE830-38CF-41D6-AB0B-68E5F9082543/0/Element_of_Crimes_English.pdf

9Article (49) Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.
Nevertheless, the Occupying Power may undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand. Such evacuations may not involve the displacement of protected persons outside the bounds of the occupied territory except when for material reasons it is impossible to avoid such displacement. Persons thus evacuated shall be transferred back to their homes as soon as hostilities in the area in question have ceased.


10Article 51/paragraph  3  “The work shall be carried out only in the occupied territory where the persons whose services have been requisitioned are. Every such person shall, so far as possible, be kept in his usual place of employment.

11“Protected persons accused of offences shall be detained in the occupied country, and if convicted they shall serve their sentences therein.”

12See International Committee of the Red Cross, Commentary on the fourth Geneva Convention, ICRC,
http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/7c4d08d9b287a42141256739003e636b/6756482d86146898c125641e004aa3c5 ; See  ROUCOUNAS (E.J) , Les infractions grave au droit humanitaire (article 85 du Protocole Additionnel I aux Conventions de Genève, 31 Revue Hellénique de droit international 116 (1978).

13Progress Report of the Special Rapporteur Awn Shawkat AL- KHASAWANEH on the Human Rights dimensions of population transfer, including the implantation of settlers, U.N.doc. E/CN.4/sub.2/1994/18 (30 June 1994) par. 73, Preliminary Report of the Special Rapporteurs Awn Shawkat AL-KHASAWNEH and Ribot HATANO on Human Rights dimensions of population transfer, including the implantation of setters U.N.doc E/CN.4/sub.2/1993/17 (6 July 1993).

14Refer to the following articles to learn more about the Court of Justice and its jurisdiction:
Official website of the court:
http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/jcms/Jo2_7024/
Some general information on the court:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Court_of_Justice#Advocates-General
Site last visited on 19 March 2011.

15Refer to the following articles to learn more about the functions of the advocate general visit: Advocate General http://www.ena.lu/ Laure CLEMENT-WILZ, ” The function of the advocate general at the european court of justice”, http://www.u-paris2.fr/1268901575081/1/fiche___article/&RH=RECHERCHE_EN Site last visited on 19 March 2011

16This issue was considered in brief studies:
http://www.alhaq.org/etemplate.php?id=508 European Court of Justice: Israeli Settlement Goods do not Fall into Israeli Customs Authority 2 March 2010
http://www.mondialisation.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17830 , La Cour européenne de Justice dessine les frontières d’Israël, par Gilles Devers, 27 février 2010
http://www.ism-france.org/news/article.php?id=13481&type=communique , Décision Brita de la Cour de Justice Européenne sur l’importation dans l’UE de produits de territoires occupés (Jérusalem Est), Par Gilles Devers, 25-02-201

17See clause 30 of the court’s judgement:
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

18Mishor adumim is one of the several settlement sited on what is called Ma’ale Adumim.  Its population exceeded 35,000 and it situated on the highway no. 1 which joined it with East Jerusalem.  These settlements surrounded East Jerusalem within a great settlement plan, planned more than 10 years ago.
Soda Club company is one of the most famous companies in the Mishor Adumim settlement and it was criticised highly by the Sweden commissions after Israeli organisation for the right to work published a report showing  discrimination and exploitation of the Palestinian workers in Soda Club company.
After a big campaign in Swede against Soda Company by Empire Company which distributes products of the Soda Club to manufacture the products coming to the Sweden market outside Mishor Adumim as this area considered illegal settlement by the International law and the company agreed hesitatively. 


19See clause 31 of the court’s judgement:
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

20See clause 30-32 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

21See clause 33 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

22See clause 34 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

23See clause 35 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

24See clause 27 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

25See clause 29 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

26See clause 31 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

27See clause 31 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

28See clause 109 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

29See clause 111 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

30See clause 112 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

31See clause 115 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

32See clause 120 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

33See clause 122 of the Advocate General’s opinion
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

34See clause 3-6 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

35See clause 8 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

36See clause 9 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

37See clause 11 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

38See clause 12 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

39See clause 13 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

40See clause 17 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

41See clause 21 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08 

42See clause 22 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

43See clause 46 and 47 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

44See clause 49-51 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

45See clause 52 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

46See clause 53 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

47See clause 54 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

48See clause 64 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

49See clause 64 of the court’s judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

50See clause 74/1 if the courts judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

51See clause 74/2 if the courts judgement
http://curia.europa.eu/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=EN&Submit=rechercher&numaff=C-386/08

52Boycott, Désinvestissement, Sanctions :Le cadre juridique de l’action des militants
http://www.enfantsdepalestine.org/IMG/pdf/cadre-juridique-de-laction-des-militants-bds-2mai.pdf
Last visited the site on 20 March 2011

 http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/articles/guest-writers/3234-the-plo-and-the-continuing-project-to-win-palestinian-national-liberation

Dozens of Palestinians Injured in Confrontations, Al-Issawiyah

PNN

On Tuesday, dozens of Jerusalemites were injured in confrontations with the Israeli soldiers who raided al-Issawiyah village, northeast of Jerusalem.

Eyewitnesses said to our reporter that whilst two Israeli soldiers obtained injuries; one to the foot and another to the shoulder, a Palestinian Youth was shot by a rubber bullet to his head, and dozens more Palestinians were hit by sound bombs and gas canisters, as well as rubber bullets.

Our reporter said that the confrontations started after the Israeli forces raided the village, and arrested Ayoub Baha' Obeid al-Omur, 20, after they attacked his house under the pretext that he threw stones towards Israeli soldiers.

 http://english.pnn.ps/index.php/politics/763-dozens-of-palestinians-injured-in-confrontations-al-issawiyah

Hundreds of Jewish settlers storm Nablus village

Armed terrorist Jewish squatters
NABLUS, (PIC)-- Hundreds of Jewish settlers stormed the southern Nablus village of Awarta before midnight Tuesday and remained there until dawn Wednesday to tour a number of historical sites.
Local sources told the PIC reporter that the settlers mounted a number of buses and entered the village under heavy Israeli army escort.

They said that the settlers toured a number of sites, which they believe have connection to the Jewish religion, in eastern and central areas in the village.

Sami Awad, the chairman of the Awarta municipal council, said that Nablus governor Jibrin Al-Bakri told him that a number of rabbis would visit the village.

He said that the settlers, including rabbis, arrived in seven buses, adding that the Israeli soldiers mounted rooftops of high buildings in the village. He said that they wrote anti-Arab slogans on walls of those buildings.

 http://www.palestine-info.co.uk

Army Kidnapped 320 Palestinians In January

by Saed Bannoura

 Israeli soldiers kidnapped more than 320 Palestinians in several parts of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and occupied East Jerusalem during the month of January, a Palestinian researcher stated.

 Researcher Riyadh Al-Ashqar, specialized in detainees’ affairs, stated in his report that four elected legislators, 53 children, eight women, and one former detainee, were among the kidnapped in January.

He added that Israel rearrested the four elected legislators, including the head of the Legislative Council, Dr. Aziz Dweik, and imprisoned them under Administrative Detention orders.

The Israeli army broke into the Red Cross office in Sheikh Jarrah, in occupied East Jerusalem, and kidnapped Legislator, Mohammad Totah, and former Minister, Khaled Abu Arafa. They have been camped at the Red Cross for more than 18 months to protest Israeli orders exiling them from the city.

Twenty-seven legislators, and three ministers, are currently imprisoned by Israel.

Furthermore, Al-Ashqar stated that Israel renewed administrative detention orders against more than 50 Palestinian detainees in January.

 http://www.imemc.org/article/62941

Elderly Woman Seriously Injured After Being Attacked By Settlers

Terrorist Jewish Squatters
by Saed Bannoura

 Palestinian medical sources reported Wednesday that a Palestinian woman was seriously injured after a number of fundamentalist Israeli settlers hurled stones at a vehicle on the Yitzhar-Nablus road, in the northern part of the West Bank.

 The woman, Maysar Abdul-Majeed, 60, was in a vehicle driving in the area when the settlers hurled stones at the car hitting the woman in her head.

She was moved to Rafidia Governmental Hospital in Nablus; Maysar is from Sorra village, west of Nablus city.

The attack is the latest among a series of dangerous escalations carried out by fundamentalist settlers against the Palestinians, their homes and lands in the occupied territories.

The settlers previously attacked the offices and property of Peace Now movement in Israel, and wrote “Price Tag” graffiti on the attacked vehicles and walls of attacks buildings. The settlers blame Israeli leftist and peace groups for any evacuation of illegal settlements in the occupied territories.

Furthermore, the settlers previously burnt several mosques and a church in a number of areas in Palestine.

 http://www.imemc.org/article/62943